[Home] [Bible] [Job] [Homer/Plato] [Shakespeare] [Law] [Words] [Reviews] [Me] [Billphorisms] [Autism] [Map]

 


Lectionary III (Sept-Dec. 2007)

Christmas I (12/30)
Isaiah 63:7-9
Matthew 2:13-23
Hebrews 2:10-18 (I)
Hebrews 2:10-18 (II)

Advent IV (12/23)
Isaiah 7:10-17 (I)
Isaiah 7:10-17 (II)
Matthew 1:18-25 (I)
Matthew 1:18-25 (II)
Romans 1:1-7

Advent III (12/16)
Isaiah 35:1-10 (I)
Isaiah 35:1-10 (II)
Matthew 11:2-11 (I)
Matthew 11:2-11 (II)
James 5:7-10

Advent II (12/9/07)
Isaiah 11:1-10
Matt. 3:1-12
Rom. 15:4-13 (I)
Rom. 15:4-13 (II)

Advent I (12/2/07)
Isaiah 2:1-5
Matt. 24:36-44 (I)
Matt. 24: 36-44 (II)
Rom. 13:8-14 (I)
Rom. 13:8-14 (II)

Christ King (11/25)
Jer. 23:1-6
Luke 23:33-43 (I)
Luke 23:33-43 (II)
Col. 1:11-20 (I)
Col. 1:11-20 (II)

Pentecost25 (11/18)
Isaiah 65:17-25
Luke 21:5-19
II Thess. 3:6-13

Pentecost24 (11/11)
Job 19:23-27a
Luke 20:27-38 (I)
Luke 20:27-38 (II)
II Thess. 2:1-17

Pentecost+23 (11/4)
Hab. 1:1-4; 2:1-4
Luke 19:1-10 (I)
Luke 19:1-10 (II)
II Thess. 1:1-2:2 (I)
II Thess. 1:1-2:2 (II)

Pentecost+22(10/28)
Joel 2:23-32
Luke 18:9-14 (I)
Luke 18:9-14 (II)
II Tim. 4:6-18 (I)
II Tim. 4:6-18 (II)

Pentecost+21(10/21)
Gen. 32:22-31 (I)
Gen. 32:22-31 (II)
Luke 18:1-8 (I)
Luke 18:1-8 (II)
II Tim. 3:14-4:5

Pentecost+20(10/14)
II Kings 5:1-13 (I)
II Kings 5:1-13 (II)
Luke 17:11-19 (I)
Luke 17:11-19 (II)
II Tim. 2:8-15 (I)
II Tim. 2:8-15 (II)

Pentecost+19 (10/7)
Habakk. 1:1-4; 2:1-4
Luke 17:5-10 (I)
Luke 17:5-10 (II)
II Timothy 1:1-14 (I)
II Tim. 1:1-14 (II)

Pentecost+18 (9/30)
Amos 6:1-7
Luke 16:19-31 (I)
Luke 16:19-31 (II)
I Tim. 6:6-19 (I)
I Tim. 6:6-19 (II)

Pentecost+17 (9/23)
Jer. 8:18-9:1 (I)
Jer. 8:18-9:1 (II)
Luke 16:1-13
I Tim. 2:1-8

Pentecost+16 (9/16)
Exodus 32:7-14 (I)
Exodus 32:7-14 (II)
Luke 15:1-10
Luke 15:11-32 (I)
Luke 15:11-32 (II)
I Tim. 1:12-17

Pentecost+15 (9/9)
Psalm 139 (I)
Psalm 139 (II)
Jeremiah 18:1-11
Luke 14:25-33 (I)
Luke 14:25-33 (II)
Philemon 1-21 (I)
Philemon 1-21 (II)

Pentecost + 17--September 23, 2007

Bill Long 9/9/07

Jer. 8:18-9:1 (II); Weeping for Israel..and America (II)

II. Both Perspectives Can't Fully Be Honored

Currently, as we know, the Republicans control the White House and the Democrats the Congress. This wasn't the case from 2003-early 2007, however. The Republicans had both of these branches in their control. But they began to lose their credibility with more and more of the American people as the ideology which got us into Iraq now seemed to dissolve right n our hands. So we are left in Sept. 2007 with a government that is increasingly at war with itself. Of course partisanship is nothing new in Washington; some would say that Washington thrives on it.

But in this case the partisanship means that neither side can "win." Oh, there will be small victories along the way, but both sides will feel very strongly that they can't push through their agenda. The President will, in my judgment, not do anything to lessen the fiscal and military commitment to Iraq in the remaining time of his Presidency (16 months); indeed, I think that one of the reasons he will not change anything is not because he is a stubborn man but because he will want to give his party reason for the next 50 years to call the Democrats cowards--i.e., the party that cuts and runs from Iraq. The President, in my judgment, may give some lip service to withdrawal (though this is doubtful), but will not do so in any credible way. He is thinking about "history" at this point--the future history of how Republicans can "blame" Democrats on losing another War for us.

The Democrats, on the other hand, cannot get their way. Indeed, if we just pulled the troops out tomorrow, we really don't know what we would see but there is a good possibility that Iraq would erupt into a violent power struggle. But, guess what? The unspoken (and it cannot be spoken) desire of many Democrats, especially those closely allied with Israel, is to see an Iraq precisely in this situation. Iraq was seen by Israel in the 1970s and early 1980s to be one of the more significant security threats to their continued existence. The best way to keep Iraq from having nuclear ambitions or from trying to invade Israel is to make sure that they are weak or involved in interminable internecine strife.

Thus, though the Republicans ultimately can be criticized for not knowing what to do in Iraq when we got there, the Democrats today can be criticized for not knowing what to do when we leave there.

III. Betrayal and the Future

But the real problem in all of this is that after the problem is "resolved," which will probably take another four or five years, we will have such divided feelings over Iraq that it will fuel partisan bickering for at least another 50 years. On the one hand, Republicans will accuse Democrats of betraying America and our friends. They will argue, and they already have been arguing, that Democrats are the "cut and run" party, that they really don't have it in them to fight a war, that they are therefore "weak" on national security and can't be trusted to lead a national government.

The Democrats will argue, on the other hand, that there really isn't any wisdom in continuing a fight that we entered under false pretenses, that has not gone the way we anticipated and is one in which we have become the target of attack rather than the "savior" of the people.

Both sides in the future will point to the "lessons of Iraq" in order to justify their positions--either that the Democrats are weak on national defense or the Republicans can't be trusted and will tell lies just to effect their own interests. But what will be the "lessons" of Iraq? Is the lesson that we should pre-emptively enter into countries to remove dictators from power when we think they might some day threaten our interests? Is the lesson that we should count the cost before entering (i.e., that we should know how to "win the peace" before we go in to win the war?)? Is it that we just need perseverance in the face of international opposition? Is it that revolutions are slow things and that we must just hunker down for decades in a place because that is the length of time it takes for new concepts to "take?" Is it that we should give up idealism on how we think we can "change" not simply the political orientation of another part of the world but also our ability to get people to change their minds about each other? Is it that we need to treat our troops better? Is it that we ought to be more humble about the reach of our power in the 21st century? Or, is it that we should, like "old money" in America, not try to "show off" our wealth but simply work behind the scenes to assure that radicalism doesn't grow, that countries are better off economically, that lives are better for people around the world? There may be tons of other "lessons" from the War in Iraq, too.

Conclusion

I am no Jeremiah, but I am weeping for my country today. Every path we chose is wrong, yet both sides are right in diagnosing our problems right now. We cannot act without causing a huge amount of continuing carnage. Each side is building up lessons each day to put in its arsensal so that it can shoot them at the opposing party for the next half century. Surely we are bequeathing to our children an ugly America of a new kind. And it is happening right before our eyes.

Are we "doomed" as nation? I certainly don't think so. But we are, I hope, growing up. Maturity means that you realize the limits of what you can attain, focusing on those things that you can do while laying aside things that are beyond your ability. Maybe that will happen to us. But I am one who believes that there are valuable things to learn even in the midst of national problems. If the fruit of pain often is understanding or wisdom, I think that the current situation in our War in Iraq can help us understand other periods in our history.

The major period I am thinking about now is between 1865-1875--when we were just coming out of the Civil War. That is a "foundational period" for understanding the growth of America, especially in the area of law (the 14th Amendment, for example, was ratified in this period--1868). By examining the partisanship of today, coupled with the weak and fumbling legal justifications for the War in Iraq, we can more easily understand some of the complex legal issues and partisanship coming out of the Civil War. It was worse then. But now we have the privilege of understanding that period with renewed depth. All, therefore, is not lost...

2994

 

 

 



Copyright © 2004-2008 William R. Long